Houston Chronicle - Outlook
 
 Sunday, March 28th, 1999 
 
 SERBS HAD LITTLE CHOICE / Kosovo peace accord not what we think 
 
 By DR. RONALD L . HATCHETT 
 
 THE primary justification for our military strikes against Yugoslavia
 is its refusal to sign the Kosovo peace agreement put forward by 
 the United States. and its allies at Rambouillet, France. The 
 president told us that the Albanians chosepeace by signing 
 the agreement even though "they did not get everything they
 wanted." The Serbs, he said, refused to negotiate, even though the
 agreement
 left Kosovo as part of Yugoslavia. However, as in several 
 other instances over the past months, the president is telling us 
 only part of  the story. Most Americans assume that the deal we 
 put together at Rambouillet was evenhanded, offering advantage 
 to neither side, but including the core concerns of both Albanians 
 and Serbs alike. But few of us have taken the time to look at the 
 actual agreement the president is condemning the Serbs for not 
 signing. I urge you to do so.
  
 The agreement is available in its entirety on the Internet
 (www.transnational.org), or in a U.S. State Department summary
 (www.usia.gov). 
 
 Take a look at it and you will see that the "peace plan" actually 
 gives the Albanians precisely what they want: de facto 
 independence now, with guaranteed de jure independence 
 in three years. For the Serbs, signing the Rambouillet agreement 
 would actually be signing away all Serbian sovereignty over 
 Kosovo immediately.  
 
 Under the agreement, "Kosovo will have a president, prime 
 minister and government, an assembly, its own Supreme 
 Court, constitutional court and other courts and prosecutors." 
 
 "Kosovo will have the authority to make laws not subject to 
 revision by Serbia or the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, 
 including levying taxes, instituting programs of economic, 
 scientific, technological, regional and social development, 
 conducting foreign relations within its area of
 responsibility in the same manner as a Republic." 
 
 "Yugoslav army forces will withdraw completely from Kosovo, 
 except for a limited border guard force (active only within a 
 5 kilometers border zone)." 
 
 "Serb security forces "police" will withdraw completely from 
 Kosovo except for a limited number of border police (active 
 only within a 5 kilometers border zone)." The parties invite 
 NATO to deploy a military force (KFOR), which will be 
 authorized to use necessary force to ensure compliance 
 with the accords." 
 
 "The international community will play a role in ensuring 
 that these provisions are carried out through a Civilian 
 Implementation Mission  "appointed by NATO". 
 
 "The Chief of the CIM has the authority to issue binding 
 directives to the Parties on all important matters he sees fit, 
 including appointing and removing officials and curtailing 
 institutions." 
 
 "Three years after the implementation of the Accords, an 
 international meeting will be convened to determine a 
 mechanism for a final settlement for Kosovo on the basis of 
 the will of the people." 
 
 For the Kosovo Albanians, the Rambouillet agreement gives 
 them total control over the province immediately. The only 
 sacrifice required of them is to wait three years before the 
 arrangements are made legally permanent. For the Serbs, 
 the Rambouillet agreement means that immediately upon 
 signing they lose all sovereignty over Kosovo. Total political 
 control would be in the hands of the Albanians and the NATO
 Civilian Implementation Mission. Yugoslav laws would no 
 longer apply in Kosovo. Neither would Yugoslavia be able to 
 exercise police powers in Kosovo. After three years, these 
 arrangements would be made permanent by the "will of the 
 people" - not the people of the whole country of Yugoslavia of
 which Kosovo is supposedly a part, but only by the will of
 the people of Kosovo, who are mainly Albanians. 
 
 The Yugoslavian delegation at Rambouillet agreed to give 
 the Albanians autonomy in Kosovo - control over their 
 day-to-day lives including religious, education and health 
 care systems, and local government operations. But they 
 tried to negotiate changes to preserve the right of  the 
 Yugoslav federal government to determine economic and 
 foreign policy,  for Yugoslav national law to continue to 
 apply in Kosovo, and for any international presence in 
 Kosovo to be limited to observation and advice, 
 not control. 
 
 The Serbian negotiating efforts were summarily dismissed 
 and the Serbs were told they had only two choices: sign 
 the agreement as written or face NATO bombing. 
 
 What would you have done if you were on the Serb delegation? 
   
[*This article is presented without the permission of the copyright Holder under the "fair-use doctrine" for scholarly debate and criticism.]